calatorii


un fel de continuare a traditiei (sau aici) nu tocmai respectate in care incerc sa mai redau unele discutii interesante avute. saptamana trecuta am luat pranzul cu un ministru de externe dintr-un stat nou membru UE. iata cateva subiecte abordate de el… au fot mai multe dar nu le pot pot pentru ca vizeaza tara respectiva. din cate vedeti – principalele preocupari tin de criza economica si reforma UE: (more…)

LONDON – Vladimir Putin has just been inaugurated for a third term as President of the Russian Federation. But the event’s pageantry could not mask that his return to the presidency, after a four-year stint as Prime Minister, is far from triumphant. On the contrary, Putin, who has been in power since 2000, represents the specter of stagnation that haunts Russia – a specter that wants at least another two six-year terms as President.
Illustration by Paul Lachine
CommentsThe contrast between the transition at the Kremlin and China’s upcoming – and strictly choreographed – power transfer could hardly be starker. This autumn, all nine members of the Politburo Standing Committee, including the country’s president, Hu Jintao, and premier, Wen Jiabao, will step down, and at least 14 members of the 24-member Politburo will retire, making way for a new generation of leaders.
CommentsSo, although China has the more authoritarian system, it is moving forward. The same cannot be said for Putin’s Russia.
CommentsUnlike China, a one-party state, where real power is insulated from direct voting by layers of Communist Party structures, Russia has a multi-party political system, with regular elections at most levels of government. To be sure, not all parties or candidates are allowed to run, and elections can be manipulated. Still, there is more room in Russia than in China for opposition voices to express themselves.
CommentsIndeed, Russian civil society and protest movements are more assertive and politicized, while protests in China are crushed without remorse. The Russian media, particularly newspapers and radio, have more freedom as well, and openly disparage Putin, whereas Chinese journalists can take on issues like corruption, but may not criticize the Party. Likewise, the Internet is not censored in Russia as it is in China.
CommentsGiven that China is significantly more authoritarian than Russia, it seems counter-intuitive that China’s political system manages to produce some rotation of leaders, however imperfect and even tense, whereas Russia does not. In this way, China takes advantage of one of democracy’s key benefits – leadership turnover – without the risk of popular accountability.
CommentsCan China’s modus vivendi work?
CommentsTo be sure, in the short term, some authoritarian modernizers (for example, Singapore’s Lee Kuan Yew) serve their countries better than democratically elected leaders (for example, Italy’s Silvio Berlusconi). In the long run, however, democracies benefit from intrinsic self-correction mechanisms that are absent in autocracies, where often-inadequate leaders cling to power. Indeed, for every Lee Kuan Yew, there are many authoritarian non-modernizers, like Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe or Uzbekistan’s Islam Karimov.
CommentsThe Chinese model combines some of the authoritarian modernization model’s advantages – centralized power, quick decision-making, insulation from populism, and a superior ability to implement painful but necessary reforms – with leadership turnover by de-personalizing political struggle. After all, China’s rulers are driven primarily by a desire to keep the party, not any individual, in power.
CommentsChina’s more meritocratic system results in better performance when it comes to modernization. For example, according to Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index, China ranks 75th, while Russia ranks 143rd; the World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Report puts China in 26th place and Russia in 66th; and the World Bank’s Cost of Doing Business ranking has China in 91st and Russia in 120th place.
CommentsWhile power in Russia is less authoritarian, it is more personalized, making it much more vulnerable to an individual’s qualities or faults. So, although Russia is much closer than China to a modern, pluralistic state that is responsive to its citizens’ needs, Putin’s return to the presidency will likely mean that the next six, or even 12, years will deliver little, if any, progress.dup tiumen care

dupa o saptamana si ceva in tiumen si moldova; un ragaz de cateva zile la londra. am sris si articolul despre paradoxul ca china e mai autoritara decat rusia, dar isi schimba liderii odata la 10 ani, iar rusia e mai putin autoritara dar liderii nu si-i schimba… aparut in project syndicate – o structura mediatica articolele si comentariile careia sunt publicate in intreaga lume.

maine – o masa ‘rotunda’ la ECFR cu Fyodor Lukianov despre politica externa a Rusiei in contextul revenirii lui Putin la presedintie. vineri plec in estonia la lenart meri conference – unul dintre cele mai interesante evenimente anuale de acest gen din europa centrala. vad ca va trebui sa vorbesc despre parteneriatul estic impreuna cu vice-ministrul de externe ucrainean. sunt sanse mari ca intreaga discutie va fi deturnata de cazul timosenko si euro2012. apoi wuerzburg, germania – continuarea dialogurilor transistrene cu alti organizatori, dar aceeasi idee.

Russia in Reverse

Project Syndicate, 7 May 2012

LONDON – Vladimir Putin has just been inaugurated for a third term as President of the Russian Federation. But the event’s pageantry could not mask that his return to the presidency, after a four-year stint as Prime Minister, is far from triumphant. On the contrary, Putin, who has been in power since 2000, represents the specter of stagnation that haunts Russia – a specter that wants at least another two six-year terms as President.

The contrast between the transition at the Kremlin and China’s upcoming – and strictly choreographed – power transfer could hardly be starker. This autumn, all nine members of the Politburo Standing Committee, including the country’s president, Hu Jintao, and premier, Wen Jiabao, will step down, and at least 14 members of the 24-member Politburo will retire, making way for a new generation of leaders.

So, although China has the more authoritarian system, it is moving forward. The same cannot be said for Putin’s Russia. (more…)

Sunt la o ’scoala de vara’ in studii europene in Tiumen. 300 de km mai la est de Ekaterinburg si muntii Ural, deci un fel de ‘poarta de intrare’ in Siberia. Vreo 20 de studenti din Siberia (tomsk, irkutsk, omsk, tiumen, etc) interesati de UE. vreo 10 profi din aceleasi orase – predominant tineri. Toti foarte motivati si interesati. Scoala e co-organizata de Centrul UE din Siberia de la Universitatea din Tomsk. demult nu am mai fost atat de optimist fata de soft-power-ul european.

tineretul studios …majoritatea anul 1-2. prelegerile dureaza pana la 10 seara. dupa 10 tineretul studios in loc sa bea din greu au facut aseara sport (vreo 6 din ei). un pic de abdomene si apoi niste stretching. apoi – niste jocuri de grup gen mafia si altceva. absolut toate sesiunile incep la timp. eu scoala de vara mai disciplinata nu am vazut in viata.

orasul Tiumen – vreo 600-700 mii de oameni. provincial, dar bine aranjat. centrul curat, cladirile renovate, strazile si drumurile foarte bune. e cea mai prospera regiune din Rusia conform produsului regional brut pe cap de locuitor.

intro ora e si prelegerea mea despre relaiile UE-Rusia si crizele din spatiul post-sovietic. una din prezentarile de la scoala de vara - ‘telefon dlia kissingera’ e aici

o continuare a postarii cu impresiile din malaezia

Indonezia – o tara cu 15.000 de insule, populatie de 240 de milioane de oameni si vreo 4-5.000 km de la vest la est. sau invers. nu prea-mi imaginez cum guvernau ei asa o tara, in special acum cateva decenii – inaintea infrastructurii si a telecomunicatiilor moderne. nu am stat decat o saptamana si nu am reusit sa vad multe. am fost doar in regiunea Aceh (capitala Banda Aceh si insula Pulau Weh)- extremitatea de nord-vest a Indoneziei pe insula Sumatra. Aceh e fosta zona de conflict. 30 de ani de razboi civil intre 1975 si 2005. Dupa tsunami-ul din 2004 rebelii din Aceh si guvernul au ajuns la o intelegere (cu Martti Ahtisaari ca mediator si UE ca garantor).

De ce Aceh? vroiam sa vad indonezia, sumatra era aproape, turisti putini. in plus eram curios sa vad si aceasta (fosta) zona de conflict. chiar am scris despre Aceh si incartea mea atunci cand desfasurarea EUBAM in Moldova si Ucraina a intarziat cu cateva luni partial din cauza faptului ca intreg bugetul de politica externa a UE in 2005 fusese cheltuit catre sfarsit de septembrie din cauza desfasurarii EU monitoring mission in aceh prin august 2005 (unul din motivele pentru care EUBAM a ajuns misiunea a Comisiei Europene, nu a consiliului.. oricum, astea-s detalii neinteresante si acum irelevante) .

Ghidul Sharia

Din cauza autonomiei largite de dupa 2005 Aceh este singura regiune din Indonezia in care se aplica sharia – legea islamica. Aceasta exista in paralel cu un sistem legal laic. Conform sharia sunt interzise bauturile alcoolice, jocurile de noroc si legaturile ‘ambigue’  dintre barbati si femei (deci e interzis adulterul si relatiile prea ‘prietenesti’ cu femei necasatorite). Iar sharia se aplica doar in cazul acestui tip de contraventii, iar in alte cazuri se aplica codul penal. (more…)

Fara prea multe abateri lirice iata cateva impresii din Malaezia in care am fost aproape doua saptamani. Malaezia si Indonesia vobesc aceeasi limba – bahasa. Din cate am inteles bahasa e de-a dreptul seducatoare. Verbele nu au nici trecut, nici viitor. si nici plural. In basaha redai trecutul spunand ‘deja’, ‘ieri’, sau ‘anul trecut etc. deci ‘eu merg’ este la prezent, ‘eu merg ieri’ sau ‘eu merg deja’ – e la trecut, si ‘eu merg maine’ – viitor. Pluralul este redat prin repetarea aceluasi cuvant de doua ori – mango e singular, si mango-mango e plural, buku-buku = carti, iar batu-batu = pietre.  Eu care am suferit mut invatand gramatica franceza am regretat de mai multe ori ca franceza nu are o structura bahasiana… (more…)

am ajuns in Georgia (apropo cu companie aeriana low-cost pegasus airlines din istanbul). nu am mai fost de aproape 2 ani, dar stau doar doua zile (cateva din scrierile caucaziene anterioare: aici, aiciIkea and the Abkhaz Paradox, osetia de sud). din pacate nu mai reusesc sa trag o fuga pana in zona de conflict. in Tbilisi constructiile incepute acu doi ani asa si nu au mai fost terminate (un kempinski si mai nu stiu ce plaza pe rustaveli). criza economica… mari batalii interne si externe pe zona de liber schimb cu UE. guvernul are politici economice ultra-liberale (iata  o formulare a acestei positii – un fel de macel al DCFTA) si discutii interne competente, bine informate si destul de aprinse atat cu UE cat si cu mai multi economisti/societate civila pro-DCFTA. partidele politice se pozitioneaza pentru campania electorala din 2013 cand ii expira ultimul mandat de presedinte lui saakashvili. nu este exclus ca va incerca sa ramana prim-ministru, desi nu prea cred. si new yorker a scris acu vreo doua zile un material (aparent neutru, dar cam ironic) despre georgieni.

daca vreti sa va mai instritstai un pic comparati site-urile invest in georgia si site-ul miepo.

Having spent most of the week in Tunisia, here are some thoughts and observations.

The mood

… is very positive. It is not the end of a president (like Georgia in 2003 and Ukraine in 2004), but the end of an era. Since independence in 1956, Tunisia had only two presidents – Bourghiba and Ben Ali who ruled for 30 and 23 years respectively. In this sense Tunisia feels a bit like Central and Eastern Europe in late 80s-early 90s.

Confusion

There is a lot of optimism, but even more short term confusion. There is no clear understanding, nor agreement on what to do the following weeks and months. There are no institutions, no leaders and no united platform of dissidents, NGOs or oppositionists (like Solidarnosc in Poland or Saakshvili in Georgia) to stir the country through the next months. The interim president is unelected with little legitimacy, there is no parliament, the interim government is very weak politically, and under constant assault from protesters who want jobs, salary raises etc. So far the government had to accede to most of the demands of the protesters, since it has little power to say no. With such tempo the country can easily go bankrupt (add the outflow of tourists, uncertainties of the investors etc).

The starting point of post-revolutionary transitions in Serbia, Georgia or Ukraine were much better, and even there many of the results are mixed. (more…)

Nu am mai scris demult. Am nevoie ce ceva mai multa disciplina. Tocmai am revenit din vacanta din Liban si Siria. Vroiam ceva diferit, dar fara a plati preturile nenormale de la aeroportul Chisinau, si am gasit o oferta buna de la Bucuresti la Beirut. De viza in Liban nu e nevoie – asa ca doritorii de a explora Libanul o pot face relativ usor.

Libanul are munti, mare si istorie interesanta. Populatie: 95% arabi, 4% armeni. Circa 60% musulmani si cca 40% crestini. 18 denominatii religioase recunoscute oficial: suni, shia, druzi si alawi (secte musulmane), greco-catolici, greci-ortodocsi, armeni apostolic, maroniti (secta crestina) si tot asa. Razboi civil intre aceste grupuri in 1975-90. Beirutul divizat intre Vest si Est (vedeti filmul West Beirut). Hezbollah controleaza portiuni din tara (sudul, zone din Beirut, si anumite parti din Bekaa valley). Dar nu te simti nesigur. Seikhul Nasrallah pe poze in orase alaturi de publicitati uneori picante. Prezenta militara vizibila cam peste tot. Acum doi ani Hezbollah a ocupat o parte din centrul Beirutului. (more…)

Istanbul. Rumeli Hisari, alias the Throat Cutter. Constantinople : the last great siege citita recent. No, de istanbul poti scrie multe. Notiunea de stat… in 1452 mehmet cuceritorul a construit cetatea rumeli la 10 km de constantinopol. Ceva mai la nord, pe bosfor. Pe partea asiatica – vis-a-vis de rumeli hisari – din 1392 statea cetatea anadolu hisari. Ambele construite pe teritoriu turcesc. Astazi ambele cetati fac parte din Istanbul. Tot pe atunci teritoriul imperiului bizantin consta din urmatoarele petici – constantinopol, trabzon (pe marea neagra la hotar cu georgia/ajaria) si peloponesul (peninsula sudica din Grecia). si cam atat. deci imperiul bizantin, la acea data, consta dintr-o capitala, cu o provincie la vreo 1000 km la sud-vest, si alta provincie la 1000 km la est de capitala. iar la 10 km de capitala era teritoriu otoman (de vreo 100 de ani). iata harta.  cu siguranta notiunea de stat, continuitate teritoriala etc. insemnau ceva diferit pe atunci. (la fel si cu apartenenta etnica sau religioasa – or victoria turcilor s-a datorat si in mare parte tunarului maghiar crestin orban). si un blog util – Rumeli Observer.

o escala scurta la berlin ieri. am prezentat raportul pe politica de vecinatate la un eveniment comun organizat cu bertelsmann. interventii interesante din partea a doi parlamentari germani din CDU si FDP (care spre deosebire de parlamentarii din majoritatea celorlalte state chiar au influenta asupra politicii externe). din cate inteleg are loc o discutie ceva mai larga privind redefinirea accentelor din politica externa germana. discutia inca continua, dar am impresia ca fdp (partenerul minor in coalitia de guvernamand, insa liderul fdp westerwelle este noul ministru de externe si vice-cancelar) mult mai pozitiva… gasiti mai jos cateva elemente din discutiile de ieri:

Berlin

CDU

  • Of course Ukraine, Moldova and By will be integrated into European structures.
  • Is it in our interests to give Siberia to China? We are interested in a strong Russia integrated into European structures. (more…)

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