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A aparut o stire conform careia Catherine Ashton a propus desfiintarea posturilor de reprezentanti speciali UE (RSUE) pentru Moldova si Caucazul de Sud. Functiile acestora urmeaza a fi preluate de catre ambasadorul UE in Moldova (cu Caucazul de Sud e mai complicat caci acolo sunt 3 ambasade UE). Articolul care anunta aceasta perspectiva incepe cu vaicarelile obisnuite – ca iata inca un semnal negativ fata de vecinatatea estica, inca un semn ca nu este prioritate, si toata colectia de acuzatii la adresa UE. Ca sa ne dam seama mai bine de context, si ca sa minimizam inca un val de vaicareli si speculatii legate de UE iata cateva precizari:

1) propunerile lui Ashton inca nu sunt acceptate de statele membre. sunt doar propuneri. Mandatele celor 11 RSUE sunt prelungite doar pana in septembrie. Pana atunci urmeaza sa fie decis care din aceste posturi vor fi eliminate din organigrama UE, si care nu. Personal banuiesc ca majoritatea acestora vor disparea. Vor ramane doar cativa RSUE – insa nu pentru ca asa stau prioritatile E, ci pentru ca ei acopera regiuni intregi (Orientul Mijlociu, de exemplu) si acest post nu poate fi oferit unui ambasador UE din regiune (de exemplu ambasadorul UE in Israel). In cazurile RSUE pentru tari aparte ca Moldova sau Afganistan – situatia este clara, acestea urmeaza fi comasate cu postul de ambasador UE in tara respectiva.

2) numirea RSUE intotdeauna a fost o solutie imperfecta si temporara pentru a mari vizibilitatea UE. RSUE Moldova a fost numit pe timpurile cand UE inca nu avea delegatie/ambasada la Chisinau. RSUE Caucazul de Sud a fost numit in 2003 cand UE avea delegatie doar la Tbilisi, nu si la Baku si Yerevan. Deci ambii RSUE aveau obiectivul de a compensa temporar insuficienta de prezenta si vizibilitate a UE. (more…)

‘post-mortem’ hibernal incoerent… sunt de aproape 5 ani in think-tankuri europene, timp in care am trecut prin3 dintre cele mai influente centre de cercetare care lucreaza pe UE: eu iss, ceps si ecfr. am avut mai multi prieteni care au lucrat in think-tankuri.  in mod normal dupa 5-6-7 ani majoritatea au plecat sa lucreze pentru alte organizatii: ue, ministere de externe ale statelor membre ue, osce, efta… unii merg in universitati. think-tankingul este un tip de activitate in care multi sau isi incep cariera (si lucreaza pana pe la 33-35 de ani), sau si-o incheie (dupa 55-60). mai rar intalnesti si unii care isi iau o pauza de 1-2-3 ani de la jobul principal pentru a scrie ceva in vreun centru de cercetare. sunt foarte putini think-tankeri care au petrecut intreaga viata profesionala in acest domeniu. este usor sa-ti imaginezi oameni care petrec 20 de ani in universitati, dar nu in think-tankuri.

sa lucrezi pentru centrele de cercetare este interesant si dinamic. centrele de cercetaresunt situate undeva intre lumea academica/universitara si instititutiile publice si organizatiile internationale. esti mult mai conectat la viata reala, si lucrul este mult mai dinamic decat mediul universitar. spre deosebire de teoriticienii din universitati, esti mult mai conectat la procesul de luare a deciziilor. oficialii deseori vor sa testeze sau sa discute idei. (more…)

It is not difficult to be depressed about the EU these days. A recent re-read of the Laeken declaration that set in motion the whole European Convention, the Constitutional and Lisbon Treaties exercises just made me think (more) how far is EU’s current state (and institutional basis) from the stated ambitions of 2001. Here us a useful reminder of the spirit of the declaration:

“What is Europe’s role in this changed world? Does Europe not, now that is finally unified, have a leading role to play in a new world order, that of a power able both to play a stabilising role worldwide and to point the way ahead for many countries and peoples? Europe as the continent of humane values, the Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the French Revolution and the fall of the Berlin Wall… The European Union’s one boundary is democracy and human rights…  Europe needs to shoulder its responsibilities in the governance of globalisation. The role it has to play is that of a power resolutely doing battle against all violence, all terror and all fanaticism… In short, a power wanting to change the course of world affairs.”

The truth is that throughout most of its existence the EU was as frustrating and depressive for its supporters as is it now. And yet, it still is the single most successful international organisation in history. So how do we balance euro-pessimism and optimism, history and future, success and failure, analysis and wishful thinking? (more…)

In light of the Tagliavini report, it is perhaps worth discussing in greater details EU’s performance in Georgia’s conflicts as well. We all know that both Georgia and Russia (with South Ossetia) are responsible for escalating the game around the conflicts zones and ruthlessly rushing into a downward spiral of militarisation of the conflicts zones, particularly after Kosovo’s declaration of independence and Georgia’s perceived moves towards NATO in the first half of 2008. But EU failures are also worth discussing. The report only refers to them en passant:”over the years there was a gradual increase in European involvement in Georgia, which may be called forthcoming in terms of economic aid, politically friendly on the bilateral side, cooperative but cautious on contentious political issues and … mostly distanced [from] sensitive security issues. A good case in point was the European reluctance to take over the Border Monitoring Mission on the Caucasus range facing Russia, after Russia had vetoed the hitherto OSCE engagement in 2004.”

Behind this carefully calibrated phrase lies the story of EU’s failure to engage in conflict-resolution. (more…)

For almost two decades the driving force of EU foreign policy was the idea of the EU as a transformative power. “Transformation” was achieved by enlarging the union and exporting its acquis, values and prosperity. The EU managed to successfully transform Central and Eastern Europe (though the business is still unfinished) and push the Balkans in the right direction. Then the EU tried to transform the Eastern neighbourhood through a similar policy mix of dialogue, economic assistance and exporting the acquis, though all in reduced doses. (more…)

EUObserver, 22 iunie 2009

The Swedish EU presidency, which starts on 1 July 2009, is getting a lot of advice on what to do during its presidency. But here is one idea more idea for the Swedish EU presidency (contained in our recent ECFR report on the Eastern neighbourhood). The Swedish Presidency should convene a “listening tour” of the Eastern neighbourhood – a Troika visit by the Swedish foreign minister, Javier Solana, the Commissioner for External Relations, and the future Spanish EU presidency to each of the six Eastern neighbours of the EU: Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Russia). Here is why such a tour is needed and why the Swedish presidency is the best actor to initiate it. (more…)

Complaints about an imbalance in the levels of EU engagement in the Southern neighbourhood compared to the Eastern neighbourhood are wide-spread. The new EU member states like to point to the  fact that EU funding for the Mediterranean neighbours is much bigger than for the Eastern neighbours; and EU diplomatic engagement in the Middle Eastern conflicts (be it the Israeli-Palestine conflict or Lebanon) has been much less shy than in the post-Soviet space. (more…)

stiu ca tara arde, dar acest interviu despre parteneriatul estic a aparut inainte ca sa arda tara. pentru Arminfo, agentie din Armenia. mai jos gasiti si versiunea engleza.

‘Восточное партнерство’ поможет странам-участницам данной инициативы в реализации реформ и постепенной интеграции в Европейское сообщество

Интервью АрмИнфо научного консультанта по проблематике постсоветского пространства исследовательского центра Европейского совета по международным отношениям (European Council on Foreign Relations) Нику Попеску (Nicu Popescu)

Евросоюз утвердил программу «Восточное партнерство». Что, на Ваш взгляд, может принести данная инициатива вовлеченным в нее странам? (more…)

iata si un articol aparut azi in Timpul. apropo, ziarul are un nou site. si pentru ca tot a pornit perioada reinnoirii paginilor web, si Radio Europa Libera are un nou site. partea mea preferata e ca are podcast.

Riscul izolării postelectorale

Preşedintele Voronin a comparat Parteneriatul Estic cu un CSI-2 şi a declarat că participarea în această iniţiativă ar dezavantaja Moldova pentru că o plasează într-un grup de state mai puţin avansate în procesul de integrare europeană ca Azerbaidjanul sau Belarus. Îngrijorarea preşedintelui este justificată. Moldova poate regresa dramatic în procesul de integrare europeană, dar nu din cauza Parteneriatului Estic, ci din cauza modului cum decurge campania electorală. (more…)

sunt la viena. o conferinta pe ue si rusia: competitie si cooperare in balcani si caucaz organizata de ivan krastev. destul de interesant. maine vorbesc despre PEV comparat cu PRV. gasiti mai jos un post recent de pe blogul meu pe eu observer. am hotarat sa public si textele integrale alke posturilor pentru a le pastra mai usor in arhiva acestui blog.  (more…)