nicu popescu

The International Spectator (Vol. 46, No. 4, December 2011) a publicat o recenzie a cartii mele. si Survival publicase una prin noiembrie, dar nu o pot gasi pe internet.

International Spectator: EU foreign policy and post-Soviet conflicts : stealth intervention / Nicu Popescu. – London and New York : Routledge, 2011. – xvi, 157 p. – (Routledge advances in European politics). – ISBN 978-0-415-58720-4 ; 978-0-203-83478-7 (ebk)

In this book, Nicu Popescu, Senior Research Fellow at ECFR and major expert in the Eastern European Neighbourhood, investigates the EU approach towards the conflicts that emerged in the nineties in some former Soviet republics, namely Transnistria, Abkazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno Karabakh. The publication reveals that in those areas, the EU has conducted a sort of “stealth intervention”. This raises some interesting questions to which the author tries to find an answer: what mechanisms occasionally restrain the EU in conflict management? What are its real political priorities? Can the Council’s political reluctance act as a brake on other EU external actions? (more…)

un policy brief scris impreuna cu Andrew Wilson publicat astazi la ECFR despre politica europeana de vecinatate: Turning Presence into Power: Lessons from the Eastern Neighbourhood

am ajuns in Georgia (apropo cu companie aeriana low-cost pegasus airlines din istanbul). nu am mai fost de aproape 2 ani, dar stau doar doua zile (cateva din scrierile caucaziene anterioare: aici, aici,  Ikea and the Abkhaz Paradox, osetia de sud). din pacate nu mai reusesc sa trag o fuga pana in zona de conflict. in Tbilisi constructiile incepute acu doi ani asa si nu au mai fost terminate (un kempinski si mai nu stiu ce plaza pe rustaveli). criza economica… mari batalii interne si externe pe zona de liber schimb cu UE. guvernul are politici economice ultra-liberale (iata  o formulare a acestei positii – un fel de macel al DCFTA) si discutii interne competente, bine informate si destul de aprinse atat cu UE cat si cu mai multi economisti/societate civila pro-DCFTA. partidele politice se pozitioneaza pentru campania electorala din 2013 cand ii expira ultimul mandat de presedinte lui saakashvili. nu este exclus ca va incerca sa ramana prim-ministru, desi nu prea cred. si new yorker a scris acu vreo doua zile un material (aparent neutru, dar cam ironic) despre georgieni.

daca vreti sa va mai instritstai un pic comparati site-urile invest in georgia si site-ul miepo.

The revolutionary upheaval in the Southern neighbourhood and the failures of reforms in most of the Eastern neighbourhood are begging for a revised EU approach to the neighbourhood policy (ENP). In March the EU presented some ideas on ‘a partnership for democracy and shared prosperity’ with the Southern Mediterranean. Some time in May the EU will present also a full review of the ENP. A central concept of the updated ENP is the idea of ‘more for more’ – the EU should give more political and financial support to those neighbourhood countries that implement more reforms and are more democratic.

‘More for more’ stands for a more meritocratic ENP. It should lay the basis for proper differentiation between neighbours, not based on geographic criteria, but based on their performance. The concept is also supposed to change the way the EU is spending its money. Currently the EU pre-allocates most of its assistance to specific neighbourhood states (almost irrespective of their reform performance) in 7-years budgetary cycles. ‘More for more’ is supposed to make it easier to shift its more EU assistance from one neighbourhood state to another depending on their reform performance. Overall, the concept the concept of ‘more for more’ is laudable and fair, but also quite slippery. (more…)

Just when the southern neighbourhood of the EU is shaken by a wave of revolutionary situations that toppled consolidated dictatorships in Tunisia and Egypt, the eastern neighbourhood seems to be in the middle of a trend towards authoritarian consolidation. So the paradox is that whereas the Southern neighbours look like those in the East in the revolutionary years of 2003-2005, but in fast forward mode, the Eastern neighbourhood seems to look increasingly like the south a few years ago – a collection of states with increasingly close economic relations with Europe, but with centralised, non-competitive politics, which routinely afford to ignore the EU on many political and security questions. Today, every country in the Eastern neighbourhood except Moldova is less pluralistic than it was 5 years ago (though Belarus arguably could not become worse).

Seen from Ukraine, Moldova or most of the new EU member states one of the most irritating aspects of the European neighbourhood policy is that it dumps together the Southern and the Eastern neighbours of the EU. The Eastern neighbours tend to be rather arrogant about the Mediterannean neighbours of the EU. (more…)

In 2003 -2005 revolutions in the neighbourhood were all the rage. Georgia, Ukraine and Lebanon have all inspired high-hopes among their own populations, as well as the EU and US. Then, many of those hopes collapsed, the revolutions lost their glitz, and the EU and US settled for a revolution-sceptic mood. Having gone through enthusiasm and then fatigue for revolutions, the EU now has to have views on revolutions again. It would rather not. But in less than two months the EU neighbourhood has been agitated by revolutionary situations in Belarus, Albania, Tunisia and now Egypt.

Coming up with coherent EU responses to today’s ‘revolutions’ is more difficult. (more…)

Throughout the 90s in Central and Eastern Europe, and later in the Balkans reformism and democracy tended to go hand in hand. Governments which were more respectful of democratic norms, also tended to be more reformist. (By ‘democracy’ I mean respect for human rights, media freedoms and opposition parties. And by ‘reformism’ I mean the implementation of reforms such as fighting corruption, cutting red tape, improving the business climate, modernising state institutions like police, customs, tax inspectorates  or the border guards.)

In a sense, the 90s was a simpler world in which Meciar, Tudjman or Milosevic were undemocratic and non-reformist; whereas Dzurinda, Mesic, and Djindjic were both reformist and democratic. The good and the bad guys were obvious; the black was clearly distinguishable from the white. And the EU’s approach to these governments was shaped by this unbreakable link between reformism and democracy.

But it seems that the Eastern neighbourhood is different. There is much more grey than black and white. Categorising the likes of Yuschenko, Timoshenko, Saakashvili, Putin and Medvedev is more difficult. (more…)

dupa ani de cercetari, peripetii, scris si gandit – in sfarsit mi-a aparut cartea la Routledge (in SUA si UK), una dintre cele mai mari edituri de stiinte politice din lume. cartea este despre Politica externa a UE si conflictele post-sovietice. titlul in engleza: EU Foreign Policy and Post-Soviet Conflicts: Stealth Intervention.

cartea este academica, desi nu ‘heavily academic’. formula cartii e cam urmatoarea: doctoratul (2003-2009 la CEU) minus majoritatea teoriei plus actualizare (in special Georgia dupa razboiul din 2008). predominant scrisa intre 2006 si 2009. Am terminat cartea in ianuarie 2010 si a aparut abia acum. promit ca este digerabila si pentru oameni normali.

daca stau sa ma gandesc cel mai ‘fun’ a fost sa scriu despre georgia – cu iesiri pe linie de front in patrule militare georgiene si soldati care stiau sa injure in romana, cina cu saakashvili, zburat cu elicoptere vechi deasupra marii negre, escorte de graniceri georgieni cu 10 zile pana la razboiul din 2008 la 2 km de daghestan si cecenia (in tusheti) si ascultat de manele (romanesti) in taxi din gori spre tskhinvali.

Martti Ahtisaari a fost de acord sa scrie prefata. ‘Iata cateva ‘endorsements’ a cartii de la Ahtissari, Nicki Mladenov (ministrul de externe bulgar), Ion Sturza, Andrew Wilson and Dov Lynch. 

Martti Ahtisaari, is Nobel Peace Prize Laureate and former President of Finland

The present book provides the ultimate guide to EU’s performance in conflict management in the post-Soviet space. This is not a book written based on research in a warm office. Nicu Popescu has criss-crossed the conflict regions. The book shows in minutiae detail how much the EU has progressed in becoming a conflict management actor, but also how difficult and contradictory that process still is. (more…)

A aparut o stire conform careia Catherine Ashton a propus desfiintarea posturilor de reprezentanti speciali UE (RSUE) pentru Moldova si Caucazul de Sud. Functiile acestora urmeaza a fi preluate de catre ambasadorul UE in Moldova (cu Caucazul de Sud e mai complicat caci acolo sunt 3 ambasade UE). Articolul care anunta aceasta perspectiva incepe cu vaicarelile obisnuite – ca iata inca un semnal negativ fata de vecinatatea estica, inca un semn ca nu este prioritate, si toata colectia de acuzatii la adresa UE. Ca sa ne dam seama mai bine de context, si ca sa minimizam inca un val de vaicareli si speculatii legate de UE iata cateva precizari:

1) propunerile lui Ashton inca nu sunt acceptate de statele membre. sunt doar propuneri. Mandatele celor 11 RSUE sunt prelungite doar pana in septembrie. Pana atunci urmeaza sa fie decis care din aceste posturi vor fi eliminate din organigrama UE, si care nu. Personal banuiesc ca majoritatea acestora vor disparea. Vor ramane doar cativa RSUE – insa nu pentru ca asa stau prioritatile E, ci pentru ca ei acopera regiuni intregi (Orientul Mijlociu, de exemplu) si acest post nu poate fi oferit unui ambasador UE din regiune (de exemplu ambasadorul UE in Israel). In cazurile RSUE pentru tari aparte ca Moldova sau Afganistan – situatia este clara, acestea urmeaza fi comasate cu postul de ambasador UE in tara respectiva.

2) numirea RSUE intotdeauna a fost o solutie imperfecta si temporara pentru a mari vizibilitatea UE. RSUE Moldova a fost numit pe timpurile cand UE inca nu avea delegatie/ambasada la Chisinau. RSUE Caucazul de Sud a fost numit in 2003 cand UE avea delegatie doar la Tbilisi, nu si la Baku si Yerevan. Deci ambii RSUE aveau obiectivul de a compensa temporar insuficienta de prezenta si vizibilitate a UE. (more…)

Am semnat contract cu Routledge sa  public o carte (doctoratul modificat). titlul: EU Foreign Policy and Post-Soviet Conflicts: Stealth Intervention. As fi preferat ceva mai flashy, dar merge si asa. Cum functioneaza industria tipografica in Vest. Iata parcursul meu: cautam o editura care ar publica cartea relativ rapid. Candidati – ME Sharpe si Routledge, Ashgate si Palgrave. Pana la urma Routledge mi-a oferit un contract. (more…)